According to a recent feature in Scientific America, the US 
Homeland Department has dished out $12 million to a research facility 
which investigates the origins, dynamics and psychological impact of 
terrorism.
The facility, staffed by more than 30 experienced scientists, is called Study of Terrorism & Response to Terrorism (START). 
According
 to Scientific America: “Whereas earlier researchers focused on the 
political roots of terrorism, many of today’s investigators are probing 
the psychological factors that drive adherents to commit deadly deeds …”
START
 is now concentrating on trying to figure out the minds of persons who 
are willing to cause indiscriminate carnage and maximum deaths 
(including their own) for what they believe is a cause close to their 
faith. Such a person does not see it as an act of terror, but, rather, 
an expression of their theological conviction. 
In the 
past, a majority of studies in this context have been more inclined to 
treat such men and women as consequences of systematic brainwashing and 
even mental illness. 
Recent studies suggest that terrorist outfits usually tend to screen out mentally unstable recruits and volunteers because their instability is likely to compromise the mission and expose their handlers.
Even though these two factors are still being investigated, 
the most recent studies on the issue emanating from research facilities 
such as START suggest that most of the terrorists might actually be 
mentally stable; even rational. 
Summarising the results 
of the recent studies, Scientific America informs that “the vast 
majority of terrorists are not mentally ill but are essentially rational
 people who weigh the costs and benefits of terrorist acts, concluding 
that terrorism is profitable.”
By profitable they mean an
 act of terror which, in addition to being financially favourable to the
 perpetrator (or to his or her family which gets looked after if the 
person is killed); is also an act which is perceived by the person to be
 beneficial to his or her sense and perception of their spiritual 
disposition. 
What’s more, recent studies suggest that 
terrorist outfits usually tend to screen out mentally unstable recruits 
and volunteers because their instability is likely to compromise the 
mission and expose their handlers. 
The studies also 
propose that even though economic disadvantages do play a role in 
pushing a person to join a terror outfit out of anger or desperation, 
this is not always the case. 
Forensic psychiatrist Marc 
Sageman of the University of Pennsylvania, carried out an extensive 
survey of media reports and court records on 400 ‘extremists.’ He 
determined that “these individuals were far from being brainwashed, 
socially isolated, hopeless fighters; 90 per cent of them actually came 
from caring, intact families; and 63 per cent of these had gone to 
college.”
There is another interesting query that the 
researchers are trying to investigate: why were terrorists during the 
Cold War more constrained in their acts than the ones which emerged 
after the end of that conflict? 
Studies suggest that a 
majority of significant terror groups during the Cold War were driven by
 nationalistic or communist impulses. Modern religious terrorism largely
 emerged from the 1990s onward. 
Interestingly, despite 
the fact that Cold War terrorists did not hesitate to kill perceived 
enemies, they were, however, overtly conscious of how their acts would 
be perceived by popular opinion and the media. 
For 
example, militant left-wing outfits in Europe, and even some factions of
 Palestinian guerrilla organisations (in the late 1960s and 1970s), 
would often abort attacks in which they feared casualties of innocent 
bystanders could mount. 
This is not the case anymore. It
 seems, today, the old concern of being perceived as an indiscriminately
 brutal outfit has actually become the purpose. Terrorists now actually 
want to be perceived in this manner. 
This changing 
mindset reminds me of a man who once ran a small roadside tea stall a 
few streets away from the offices of an English weekly I used to work 
for as a reporter in the early 1990s. 
People called him 
Anju Bhai and he was in his 40s. He was famous for his doodh pati which 
he used to serve in transparent teacups. But there was something else 
about him which was far more intriguing. 
Long before 
some young Pakistanis began to pour into Afghanistan to fight in the 
1980s, and before men began travelling to Syria, only to return and 
wanting to destroy the whole concept of society as we know it. Anju Bhai
 travelled to Egypt to fight in a war against Israel.
Travelling
 across Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq and Algeria, he made his way to Egypt on
 buses. This was during the 1967 Arab-Israel War. Anju Bhai was just 20 
and had quit college to go fight against the Israelis. 
Anju was a passionate admirer of Egyptian leader Gamal Abdel Nasser, and also equally passionate about the Palestinian cause. 
Arab
 Nationalism was all the rage in those days — a fusion of nationalism, 
anti-imperialism and socialism. It was also vehemently opposed to 
conservative Arab monarchies. Nasser was one of its main architects. 
The
 war lasted for just six days. Egypt was decimated and so was the charm 
and influence of Arab Nationalism. Anju lost four of his fingers when a 
grenade exploded in his right hand. He was part of a rag-tag brigade 
mostly made up of Syrian, Algerian and Palestinian volunteers.
A
 month after the war, Anju joined Yasser Arafat’s PLO. He travelled to a
 PLO camp in Jordan and got trained in guerrilla warfare. In early 1968,
 he was selected to join a group of four Palestinians and two Syrians in
 Beirut.
The group was to attack an Israeli military 
convoy on a road near the Lebanon-Israel border. But suddenly, three 
members of the group changed the plan and decided to attack a bus 
carrying Israeli labourers on the same road. The rest of the group, 
including Anju, refused, saying they would not target civilians. 
Anju
 told me this split was symptomatic of the major split that would divide
 Arafat’s PLO in 1974 between Arafat’s faction and the faction headed by
 the notorious Abu Nidal. 
Anju returned to Pakistan in 
late 1968 — broken and bitter. His father, a cashier at a bank, refused 
to talk to him. Anju could not complete his education. In 1974, he found
 employment as a copy-maker at the PPP-backed progressive Urdu monthly, 
Al-Fatah. 
He was still there when the PPP regime was 
overthrown in the 1977 reactionary coup. Anju remained unemployed till 
1980 when one day he borrowed 2,500 rupees from a friend and set up a 
small tea stall on I.I. Chundrigar Road. 
The stall kept 
him afloat and he got married in 1987. I last met him in 1998. A few 
years ago I went looking for him again, but was told he had folded his 
stall in 2001 and had moved to Bahrain with his wife and kids.
Nevertheless,
 in the context of this piece, I must relate here what he said when once
 I asked him a pointed question. Being an ‘angry young man’ myself in 
those days, I had asked him, wasn’t he angry and vengeful towards a 
society that had rejected him twice and turned his life upside-down? 
After
 listening to my question, a wry smile had cut across his aging face and
 he just said: “Scene ulta tha, chotay bhai (It was the other way round,
 little brother). Society ko mein ne reject kiya tha (It was I who had 
rejected society) …”
 

 
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